Depression and Criminal Behavior

Depression and Criminal Behavior Depression is a wide-reaching condition that affects millions of Americans who experience it in a few different archetypes, but each can be crippling. Bipolar disorder, a severe type of depression, has been connected to criminal behavior when one considers prison-population statistics and the percentage of manic depressives who commit crimes. Factors such as substance abuse, environment, and gender unpack the criminal side of depression and lead to the ultimate question of whether depression lends itself to crime or vice versa. Depression and Criminal Behavior What is depression? Depression is described as an illness that affects every aspect of a human being. The way a person eats, sleeps, and feels about life is typical of depression. One can also characterize depression by what it is not. For example, depression is not simply a blue feeling that comes and goes. We all experience sadness from time to time, but depression is a very deep feeling of sadness that does not go away by wish or will. One does not get over or shake off depression. It is also not a sign of weak or flawed character. How does one characterize this deep feeling of sadness? A more correct term used when describing depression is illness. The term illness insinuates that, without treatment, symptoms can last for a significant length of time. The longevity of symptoms differentiates occasional sadness from clinical depression. Strock, (1994). Depression (NIH publication no. 00-3561). This point is addressed by the VA, For many, a depressed mood is a normal reaction to the death of someone they love or the loss of the ability to perform routine activities. But, when a depressed mood persists for a long period of time with no signs of lifting, a person will benefit most from talking to their primary care provider to determine if clinical depression is the cause. (Department of Veterans Affairs, 2002) There is, however, treatment available that can help individuals regardless of the degree of symptoms. Types of Depression The three main types of depression are major depression, dysthymia, and bipolar disorder. There are many other types of depression besides the three listed, however, the variances are more of degree than nature. For all practical purposes, the three main types of depression encompass the entire spectrum. The first type, major depression, virtually disables a person in every aspect of his or her life. Menial tasks such as eating or sleeping are just as affected by major depression as harder tasks, such as social interaction and cognitive functioning. In addition, people suffering from major depression do not enjoy activities that were once pleasurable. This disabling of function in every aspect of life typifies major depression. Strock, (1994). Depression (NIH publication no. 00-3561). The second main type of depression is dysthymia. This type of depression is less severe than major depression in that it does not disable. The hallmark of dysthymia is that it keeps a person from having a feeling of wholeness or good. People who have dysthymia, however, are not completely safe from the effects of major depression, as it is common to suffer from major depression at some point in ones life. Strock, (1994). Depression (NIH publication no. 00-3561). Bipolar Disorder, also labeled manic depression, is the third type of depression that is the least common and most severe form of the illness. Bipolar disorder is characterized by cycling mood changes: severe highs (mania) and lows (depression). The shift between these two moods is often gradual, but can also happen abruptly with no notice. The depressed aspect of Bipolar Disorder is virtually the same as major depression. The person loses interest in activities, whether routine or pleasurable and feels a deep sense of sadness. The mania aspect of this illness is what differentiates it from the other forms of depression. When a manic depressed person has fits of mania, he or she has a heightened energy level that is well above normal. The person may talk more than usual or react in a way that is inappropriate to the situation. While in a state of mania, a manic depressed person may do things that are a cause for shame or embarrassment later, but in the moment, they may seem perfectly right. If left untreated, manic depression may lead to a psychotic state. Strock, (1994). Depression (NIH publication no. 00-3561). This is the type of depression that can lead to criminal behavior. Link to Criminal Behavior Of the three types of depression, bipolar disorder is most commonly linked to criminal behavior, especially violence. In a study that considered a cross section of 261 patients diagnosed with bipolar disorder, it was found that when compared to criminal records, manic-depressives were more often convicted of crimes (Englander, 2003). However, those who were unipolar (only depressive, not manic) were found not to be more prone to criminal behavior. This leads one to focus on the manic aspect of depression in connecting the dots to an increased propensity to commit crimes. A study of 50 juvenile boys corroborated this notion by noting that manic depression not only increased criminal behavior, but also was linked to antisocial tendencies. Though a high level of aggression was identified, only 14% were ever incarcerated for aggressive acts (Englander, 2003). Prevalence of Mania in Prisons A look at criminal behavior within the construct of mania leads to an obvious question of whether individuals within the prison system are more likely or less likely to exhibit manic tendencies. A study completed in the mid-1980s evaluated over 1,000 prisoners in the HMP Brixton in London, England and found that prisoners were seven times more likely to suffer from manic depression when compared to the general population (Blumenthal and Lavendar, 2000). Other mental illnesses were found less frequently. Schizophrenia was discovered to exist only three times higher in the prison sample than in the general populace. Alcohol and Drug Abuse Risk Factors Alcohol and drug abuse are key indicators in determining whether someone is prone to criminal acts. It is helpful, once again, to compare bipolar disorder to schizophrenia, this time in terms of sufferer usage. There is a high rate of substance abuse among mentally ill persons across the spectrum of mental illness. In fact, mental illness doubles the risk of substance abuse. Schizophrenics abuse drugs and alcohol at a rate of 47%, while manic depressives abuse at a much higher rate of 61% (Blumenthal and Lavendar, 2000). General substance abuse frequency among manics coupled with the notion that a majority of violent crimes such as rape, assault, and murder are committed after high drug or alcohol use shows that those who suffer from bipolar disorder are more likely to commit violent crime (Blumenthal and Lavendar, 2000). Thus, substance abuse is a predictor of violence and manic depressives are prone to substance abuse. Gender Considerations It is interesting to look at gender differences as it relates to bipolar disorder. Women generally suffer from depression more often than men, and this is also true in the bipolar aspect of depression. Along with frequency, women suffer from more intense forms of depression than men, meaning mania could be potentially more severe and lead to violence or other forms of criminal behavior. This, however, is outweighed by the significantly higher prevalence of male arrests within the context of a manic state. In the U.S., men commit more crimes per capita, up to six times more than women. Even though women are less likely to commit crimes than men, those who suffer from bipolar disorder offend at a higher rate than women who are not diagnosed with mental illness (Friedman, 2005). Causal Relationship Question Though there is a relationship found between depression and crime, some argument exists as to the extent of the connection. Two possibilities must be considered, whether the crime was committed because the individual was depressed or did the person become depressed as a result of committing a crime. One of the more closely linked facets of depression and violent crime are found when a depressed person becomes so hopeless that, before committing suicide, they kill friends or loved ones. In a study of 78 murder cases, a link was made between depression and violent crime only when environmental factors, such as a negative life event, spurred on the criminal behavior (Hollin, 2002). Conclusion In conclusion, depression is a vast subject of which much is known. Types of depression have ranges of degree from relatively mild to very severe forms of the disorder. In terms of criminal behavior, bipolar disorder is most closely linked, particularly the manic aspect of the mental illness. A relationship is seen when one considers the higher prevalence of bipolar criminals in the prison system compared to the general populace and the propensity for manic depressives to abuse alcohol and drugs, a key indicator of criminal behavior. Though the causation of criminal behavior is akin to the chicken and egg argument, questioning which one causes the other, it is proven that depression is a factor in the context of criminal behavior.

Dress Standards at Work: You Are What You Wear, Really? Essay

Clothing is a powerful tool for identity construction and can be recognized as a stamp of self-expression. Simply put, clothes make the man (Mark Twain, 1927). In modern day situations, women are gradually engaging in manipulation of work attire to construct identities and manage impressions as the emphasis on clothes and appearance increases (Guy & Banim, 2000). While there appears to be evidence for the argument that female employees engage with clothing as a means of how they construct their image in the workplace, their attire decisions are often restricted by strict regulatory regime on clothing (Peluchette, Karl & Rust, 2006). Before delving further into the various types of strict regulatory clothing regime involved, it is critical to have a well-defined understanding about the relationship between a woman’s dressing and her identity in corporate work settings (Peluchette, Karl & Rust, 2006). The style in which women dress reflects deeply the gist of who and what they t ruly are in terms of their identity (Findley, Fretwell, Wheatley & Ingram, 2006). It is believed that women use clothing to define as well as communicate her identity to others. According to Davis and Lennon (as cited in Peluchette, Karl & Rust, 2006), women strategically select clothing according to the image they wish to project to others. If this is the case, observers in workplaces should be able to make sense of and show consensus with regards to the information the woman is bringing across in her clothing cues at work, as well as substantially agree between the perceived meaning of clothing cues and the her actual identity. However, that is only valid if the work attire women don on is specifically determined by them to represent themselves in their respective workplaces. Put differently, the ability of women in managing their identities in workplaces through effective dressing depends on the extent of their freedom of choice when it comes to clothing decisions. Therefore, this paper will begin by exploring arguing for the ways in which dressing of women is restricted by external influences, and conclude that their clothing cues may not be related to true identity of women as freedom of dressing is compromised. Company’s desire for professional image In today’s world, many companies enforce strict dress codes on women in orderto gain the merit of a workforce labor with a professional image (Cardon & Okoro, 2009). Knowing that a female employee’s appearance at work has a direct impact on the company’s image, many organizations establish and enforce regulatory regime on work clothing to ensure that the organization is best represented in a professional manner (Findley, Fretwell, Wheatley & Ingram, 2006). From a corporate perspective, it appears that formal dress codes are usually associated with increased professionalism. For example, when women wear white blouses, black blazers and black knee-length skirts, they are said to appear more authoritative, influential, powerful, confident and competent (Cardon & Okoro, 2009). Since work attire of women has a direct impact on their ability to attract clients as well as acquire new business for the company, most companies end up monitoring and dictating dress policies that demand for a regulated attire such as sensible dark suits and A-line skirts (McPherson, 1997; Findley, Fretwell, Wheatley & Ingram, 2006). This effectively restricts the diversity of work attire working women are allowed to don in their workplaces. As a result, women’s ability to demonstrate their true identities through dressing is often restricted by an enforced corporate attire and identity. That is to say, organizations implicitly control office ladies’ work attire by stating clothing policies that mandate a satisfactory level of dress standard. For instance, female employees in especially conservative industries such as banks and law firms are prohibited from wearing sundresses, mini skirts, jeans or shorts during work time (Rafaeli & Pratt, 1993). While employers redefine the parameters of workplace attire and dictate women’s attire to project the desired professional identity the company desires, working women lose their choice of freedom to dress accordingly to how they want themselves to be seen. Hence, they end up succumbing to clothing attire and a prescribed work identity that is determined primarily by organizational rules (Rafaeli & Pratt, 1993). Homogenous work attire On a similar note, women’s ability to communicate their actual identities across to observers may also be constrained by obligatory homogenous dressing in corporate scenes. One classic example would be the white color dress in health service administrations that is made compulsory, as it is believed to communicate the code of cleanliness in the health industry.Likewise, the feminine style of work attire at Mary Kay Cosmetics that strictly dictates only dress and no pants indicates the feminine values that the manager of the organization identifies as fundamental identity to the organization (Rafaeli and Pratt, 1993). It can be observed then, when women in such working places are involved in a common pattern of clothing imposed on them by their employers, their identity is merely the product of their companies’ image and attributions rather then individual choice towards identity construction. In like manner, pink-collared female employees are compelled to wear company uniforms in customer-contact jobs, such as fast food restaurants, for easier identification. For instance, all female employees in the aviation industry were made to conform to a mandatory dress code not only because they were constantly in public contact and directly represent the airline company’s brand image, but also in order for them to be easily recognized in flight. The meaning of clothing cues, in such scenarios, reflects the brand identity of the organizations the women represent, and in this case, the airline industry. Uniformity ordained by strict dress regulations explicitly forbids women from exercising freedom of dress, thereby disallowing them to communicate their identities across effectively in workplaces. As a result, the information present in the clothing cues of women in corporate scenes where dressing is dictated by higher authority may not be demonstrative of their actual identi ties. Governed by societal expectation Women’s choices of dressing in workplaces are not based on essential requirements of their actual identity, but rather on socially constructed norms, which are barriers to their attempts at identity construction through dressing. Governance by societal expectations can be understood in terms of gender norms, as well as workplace roles, both of which attribute certain image to be expected of female workers across work organizations. Socially constructed gender norms forbid certain styles of working attire of women, those of which are deemed to fall outside commonly understood gender norms. For instance, women are expected to conform and dress according to the stereotypical attitudes about women in workplaces (Martucci & Zheng, 2007). Female employees were prohibited from wearing working clothes that were deemed too masculine, and were expected to dress more femininely as well as wear more jewelry (Martucci & Zheng, 2007). Otherwise, they will be prone to sexual discrimination based on society’s sex stereotypes (Martucci & Zheng, 2007). When it comes to gender subordination of dress choices, the socially enforced appearance for work dress standards inevitably construct a subordinated image of working women. In other words, women’s clothing decisions are confined to the subjective qualities of femaleness in workplaces. In this case, women’s ability to manage gender identity according to their psychological preference, or their external demonstration of gender in workplaces is restricted by society’s sexually stereotypical assumption about femininity. Similarly, societal expectations about women’s workplace roles also limit their ability to manage identity through dressing. Put differently, society’s perceptions of women’s workplace roles have a large part to play in influencing their attire at work. Case in point, a female professor dressed in casual style of dress comprising jeans, sports shirt and sneakers was rated as having less status and teaching competency than herself when dressed formally in dark suit and white blouse (Rafaeli & Pratt, 1993). As certain attire project various characteristic, women at work often find themselves adopting patterns of dress that are required to not only be accepted, but rather expected of them in their society’s context. In a way, women in such corporate work settings find themselves having to dress in a way that fulfills workplace roles designated to them by society. Both forms of societal expectations describe situations in which the work attire of women reflects a form of informal regulatory regime on clothing. Such socially enforced regulation on women’s work attire eventually affects the outcome of women’s identity, as they dutifully comply with the obligatory dress standards, and end up being inappropriately identified as products governed by societal expectations. Opposing viewpoints Naysayers claim that the corporate world is changing the way it dresses in such time of increasing acceptance towards dressing down in workplaces (McPherson, 1997; Peluchette, Karl & Rust, 2006). Many corporations are now embracing the new style called â€Å"business casual† as they begin to steer away from mandatory formal workplace attire. According to Cadwell (as cited in McPherson, 1997), a study on 1000 companies reveals that almost half of the companies surveyed implemented regular dress-down days throughout the year. The trend of â€Å"casual dressing† adopted by many corporations today permit female employees to let their hair down without having to worry about the need to conform to strict dress codes (McPherson, 1997). As such, working women, as a matter of fact, have the freedom to engage with clothes to create, reveal or conceal aspects of their identity they want to project at their workplaces (Guy & Banim, 2000). While it is true that there is a trend towards casual dressing at work, it comes with a down side for it causes confusion with regards to what is considered casual yet acceptable. In other words, as companies frown upon the allowance of certain forms of casual outfit women don on at workplaces, it is arguable whether dress codes these days any less restrictive or not (McPherson, 1997). The trend towards casual dressing allows for women at work to dress casually, albeit within reason and observing workplace propriety, which in other words, means that women’s work attire are still within control of the organizations they are associated with. As corporations impose guidelines for casual dressing by forbidding denim clothing, T-shirts, tank tops and cowboy boots for example, female attire wearers still suffer limitations (McPherson, 1997). This comes off as an unspoken rule on work attire that casts casual dressing as a faux freedom. Therefore, even though casual dressing has allowed for women to manage work attire, many companies still intend to control and limit their clothing decisions through casual business wear policies. In addition, regulatory regime on dress attire has long been a workplace mainstay in certain industries to begin with, such as the food industry, aviation or the bank (McPherson, 1997). Hence, it is understood that not all industries, especially the conservative companies, favor casual dressing and dress down days in the corporate scene. Conclusion In conclusion, dress code requirements imposed by corporations interfere with women’s ability to manage identities in workplaces. As women’s freedom of dress at work is compromised, scant regard is given towards the importance of self-presentation and identity construction. Regulatory rules on work attire are merely subordinating standard of appearance imposed on women, identifying them as products of company’s brand identity or societal expectations, effectively diminishing working women’s ability to constantly manage and revise their identities through dressing. REFERENCES Guy, A., & Banim, M. (2000). Personal Collections: women’s clothing use and identity. Journal of Gender Studies, 9(3), 313-327. doi:10.1080/095892300750040512 http://web.ebscohost.com.libproxy.smu.edu.sg/ehost/detail?vid=5&hid=112&sid=5cd5916b-4ab8-4541-9df1-59556e08c386%40sessionmgr113&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWhvc3QtbGl2ZSZzY29wZT1zaXRl#db=a9h&AN=3889122 Cardon, P. W., & Okoro, E. A. (2009). Professional characteristics communicated by formal versus casual workplace attire. Business Communication Quarterly, 72(3), 355-360. http://ehis.ebscohost.com.libproxy.smu.edu.sg/eds/detail?vid=3&hid=120&sid=9c71b583-73c9-43f4-90b9-92c68bf56683@sessionmgr110&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWRzLWxpdmUmc2NvcGU9c2l0ZQ==#db=bth&AN=43666664 Peluchette, J. V., Karl, K., & Rust, K. (2006). Dressing to Impress: Beliefs and Attitudes Regarding Workplace Attire. Journal Of Business And Psychology, 21(1), 45-63. http://ehis.ebscohost.com/eds/detail?vid=2&hid=101&sid=1d70c8d0-5feb-4488-ada5-9d4f2ac1018e%40sessionmgr4&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWRzLWxpdmUmc2NvcGU9c2l0ZQ%3d%3d#db=edsjaf&AN=10.2307.25473469 Rafaeli, A., & Pratt, M.J. (1993). TAILORED MEANINGS: ON THE MEANING AND IMPACT OF ORGANIZATIONAL DRESS. Academy Of Management Review, 18(1), 32-55. http://ehis.ebscohost.com/eds/detail?vid=3&hid=115&sid=a2a67364-d589-4b09-a81d-ccf898264642%40sessionmgr4&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWRzLWxpdmUmc2NvcGU9c2l0ZQ%3d%3d#db=bth&AN=3997506 Martucci, W. C., & Zheng, L. (2007). Gender identity and gender expression – Considerations for the national employer. Employment Relations Today (Wiley), 34(2), 79-87. doi:10.1002/ert.20155 http://ehis.ebscohost.com/eds/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?sid=07fa669d-bf81-4d64-a697

Rate of reaction = change in absorbency/change in time Essay

Average absorbency = Test 1+2+33 eg. 20i C, at 1min 0. 13+0. 16+ 0. 15 =0. 15 3 Also to back up my results I found out what the rate of reaction was for each temperature, using the averages calculated before. I did this by using the following formula: Rate of reaction = change in absorbency/change in time eg. 100i C, 4 minutes: 0. 53/4= 0. 1325 Skill C-Analysing Evidence And Drawing a Conclusion Graph Analysis: Average absorbency graph: Looking at this graph shows me the trends that occur in my results. The ability to draw a line of best fit showed that the points lie on a line of positive correlation. 80i C had the most pigment released after 7mind and with 20i C. The 20i C, 40i C and 60i C were all where I thought they should lie. 60i C released more than 40i C and that temperature released more than 20i C. Also the line of best fit showed that the amount of pigment released increased as time passed. Which is what I predicted. The reason for this is that more pigment is being released into the surroundings. at 20i C, 30i C, 40i C pigment is released at a steady rate and 60i C. 70i C and 80i C the speed of absorption has increased. This explains the steady absorbency as temp goes up. A reason for the pigment escaping could be that the proteins in the cell membrane could get denatured, meaning that the pigment can escape. Therefore at a higher temperature the cell wall becomes unstable quicker and denatured allowing pigment to escape into the water. The fact that heat is known to denature proteins could prove that is why the pigment escapes. The graph and table show that there is a greater absorbency margin as the temperature increases. This can be seen when comparing 40i C the rate of reaction decreased as the experiment went on. However with 2i C the rate of reaction actually increased as the experiment went on. This is surprising, as I would have thought that the rate would decrease as it did in most cases. E. g. for 80i C the rate fell from 0. 15 to 0. 078, and to show the large gap 60i. The rates of reactions were in the same order as the amount of pigment graphs, the 100i C rate is faster than the 80i C and there is the large gap between them and the lower temperatures. I expected the rate to decrease, as there would be less pressure inside the cell as the pigment escapes from the cell. This would mean that the pigment would not escape as fast because it isn’t getting pushed out as fast. Also the water potential either side of the cell wall will start to level out which would lower the rate of diffusion of the pigment. At first with all, but 2i C, the rate of reaction is very fast then it starts to slow down. This backs up my theory that the pressure gets less. Because as more pigment escapes out of the cell the less pressure which will slow the rate down. And as there will be lots of pigment at the start then there will be high pressure so the rate of reaction will very fast, as shown in the graph. Anomalous Results: When looking at the graph I can see that there are no anomalous results, which could indicate that the experiment was quite precise, but that does not mean that it is accurate. The readings I got might be along the same trend but that trend could miles off the actual value. This normally suggests that it is not down the human error but the equipment used is the cause for error. However if I look at the table of results I can see that there are two anomalous results that do not fit in with the trend. This could be down to human or experimental error. Skill D-Evaluating Evidence and Procedures Changes to The Experiment: The experiment was changed to make it easier to take results, by using a full test tube colorimeter with the beetroot on pins to make it quicker to pull out after the short time limit. There would be a increase of pigment released due to the pin being inserted to the beetroot but washing off the excess pigment in the water bath for 2mins beforehand will have reduced the error for this. Criticism of Apparatus: Show preview only The above preview is unformatted text This student written piece of work is one of many that can be found in our GCSE Patterns of Behaviour section.

Fedex Company Profile - 2085 Words

FEDERAL EXPRESS BRIEF BACKGROUND[1] Owned by Frederick W. Smith, the company was incorporated in June 1971 and officially began operations on April 17, 1973, with the launch of 14 small aircraft from Memphis International Airport. It soon entered its maturing phase in the first half of the 1980s and grown to become the largest operating company in the FedEx family, handling about 3.2 million packages and documents every business day. During the fiscal year 2006, it netted a revenue of $21.4 billion (includes FedEx Trade Networks) and is currently employing more than 139,000 employees worldwide, serving in more than 220 countries and territories and 375 airports worldwide. David Bronczek is the current President and CEO of the†¦show more content†¦In FedEx’s case, they were caught off guard by UPS when the latter usedits internally generated technology skills to offer e-tailers a multitude of shipping options and prices. Although both firms help customer better utilise information to track and ship inventory, UPS is pulling ahead of FedEx (Haddad amp; Ewing 2000). Rising fuel prices could also severely impact upon the company’s net income. PESTLE ANALYSIS POLITICAL This aspect of the external environment affects the company in the same way that the legal aspect affects it. Laws and regulations effected within the transportation and logistics industry are dependent on the political environment which formulates such laws and regulations. The contemporary political environment is shown supportive of such technological advances in the industry under discussion to the extent that it has given impetus to the growth that the industry is experiencing now. 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